Hugues Jahier


 In 1781, Samuel Ricard quotes a widely accepted opinion concerning the city of Lausanne in his General Treatise on Trade: “Lausanne is more famous for the number of gentlemen and of scientists who inhabit it than for its trade, which is particularly obtuse …” The other small centres of the “Pays de Vaud” were gratified with a more favourable impression from the point of view of trade, as their inhabitants were well-known for the way they could “make manufactures flourish …”

The British people staying in the region used to establish links between Great-Britain and the “Pays  de  Vaud”.  Beyond  this  window  of  bilateral  contacts,  the  people  of  Vaud  used  to appreciate everything that was “made in England.” All the wide range of high quality – and thus very much demanded – articles coming from young industrial Britain could be delivered to the European market from the interior: metallurgic production, textiles, crockery, and an incredible  quantity  of  trinkets  which  everyone  coveted,  according  to  the  popularity  of England at the time …

In lesser proportions than for Geneva and the Neuchâtel part of the Jura (the implantation of clock- and watchmaking was more limited in the Canton of Vaud), England was becoming at the end of the century, and through the channel of Yverdon, a kind of raw material and tool  provider  for  the  Vallée  de  Joux  (i.  e.  for  Louis  Rochat  &  Brothers  in  Brassus,  Meylan  & Samuel  Le  Coultre  in  Chenit),  Vallorbe  (Jacob  Valloton’s  manufacture),  or  Sainte-Croix (Daniel Addor’s manufacture).

Was the import trend from England to Switzerland unilateral? If we only consider the sending of souvenirs like bucolic engravings or a few good book editions, the answer to that question might be “yes”, but it is noteworthy that Lausanne also used to be famous for the
manufacturing of two original articles in which its inhabitants specialized … and which could be bought in the London boutiques:

a) The confection of pastel crayons invented at the beginning of the eighteenth century by Stoupan and which, already around 1770, presented a high degree of perfection (vividness of the colours) At the beginning of the 1790s, a man known as Helmod used to export them to Leipzig, Berlin, Saint Petersburg, Moscow, … and London. During the autumn  of  1793,  Helmod  said  that  he  had  been  to  the  British  capital  during  the summer and that he had seen boxes of pastels huddled on a cart led by a cow

b)  The  distillation  of  a  “miracle”  remedy:  the  Arquebuse  Water  These  “obscure” productions allow us to speak about importation and exportation in the commercial relationships between the “Pays the Vaud” and Great-Britain, even if the import-export rate was clearly in favour of England.

 The Arquebuse Water: Generalities

The Arquebuse Water, also known as “Arquebusade”, a wound healing liquid obtained from the distillation of about twenty fresh aromatic plants in brandy (preferably grape brandy), draws its name from its initial usage as a remedy curing people of wounds made by fire weapons. This liquor used to be applied as a tonic on all kinds of burns, sores and bruises.

“The Arquebuse Water has acquired great fame throughout Europe during the past few years. The foreigners agree to prefer the one which is manufactured in Switzerland, as they are persuaded that the herbs of the Alps used for this distillation give this water a degree of perfection and virtue which remains unmatched by the fluids made in other countries. This is the reason why I send several cases to France, Holland, Germany and in particular England, every year …”

Those words were written in 1772 by Othon-Guillaume Struve, doctor and practitioner in Lausanne, who goes on to say that grape brandy is usually used to manufacture Arquebuse Water, “which is now so well-known in England …” This acknowledged remedy was not specific to Lausanne. We know that, on the other side of the Geneva Lake, Jean-Charles Joly, a master ironmonger, used to ship from time to time by the Morges boat a few cases holding twenty-four bottles of Arquebuse Water wrapped in oilcloth, … “franco to London” … Still, this liquor was “mass produced” only in Lausanne.

From  the  remaining  correspondence  exchanged  between  1790  et  1793  between  Fabre  & Bouet and its client in Yverdon, Mandrot & Co., a major actor in the trade between England and  Switzerland,  we  learn  that  Fabre  &  Bouet  had  two  serious  competitors  in  Lausanne  at that time that is, Mrs. Guex and, in particular, Isaac-Gabriel Levade, at first collaborator and then  successor  to  his  brother  Louis-Cyprien II,  who  was  renowned  for  his  competence  as  a surgeon,  obstetrician  and,  …  pharmacist.  In  1763,  Levade  the  elder  had  succeeded  in obtaining from the authorities in Berne the licence to buy the 400 pots of brandy which were necessary  in  order  to  manufacture  the  Arquebuse  Water,  while  this  licence  had  been formerly denied to him by the House of Wines in Lausanne.

The Fabre & Bouet manufacture

From  a  payment  made  by  Mandrot  on  18  May  1762  –  531  Swiss  pounds  –  and  from  the promulgation of a decree in Lausanne forbidding the importation of grape brandy, we hear about the manufacturing of Arquebuse Water by the chemists Fabre & Bouet: their petition for the introduction of 2 carts full of grape brandy was rejected on 8 October 1762. Jacques Fabre had been born in 1699 in Lausanne in the family of a merchant who had emigrated from Languedoc. If we know that Fabre was still alive in 1769, we are only aware of his firm’s activities,  first  known  as  Fabre  &  Bouet  in  1770,  through  Antoine  Bouet,  his  son-in-law,  who started to lead Fabre & Bouet in 1750, and through Antoine’s son, Jean, who is the author of the correspondence written in the 1790s. As a good tradesman, Jean Bouet advertises his firm on  1  April  1791  and  announces  a  reduction  in  his  products’  price:

“… Our waters will always be preferred for their advantages: they are easier to preserve and improve with age instead of losing their properties, so that we can assume that their quality is superior  …”

Although the secret of its fabrication is unknown to us, we can trace the various stages of the production and maintenance of the Arquebuse Water: women used to pick up the plants in the mountains but, when they started to reduce their activity, the prices started to go up. In 1793, the herbs’ price was five times as high as during the years from 1773 to 1775; it rose from 2-3 pennies to about 10! This rise and the fear that the plants which were necessary to the production  of  Arquebuse  Water  would  be  missing  led  Fabre  &  Bouet  to  make  investments around 1790 and to constitute an authentic botanic garden:

 “… for the herbs we cultivate in this garden, which are commonly found in the country, and
which  are  the  most  aromatic  (…) the garden was expensive, but at least we are sure than our water is rich of the herbs it needs to keep up to its standards of quality …”

The  process  of  distillation  is  marked  by  the  problem  of  the  “incredible  rise”  in  the  price  of brandy. During the 1770s, the brandy coming from Berne cost 10 to 13 sols, 10 to 12 sols at the beginning of the 1780s; in 1793, the last price was 24 sols!
The costs brought about by the manufacturing of the Arquebuse Water added to this rise in the price of ingredients. On 1 November 1792, Fabre & Bouet wrote to their client in Yverdon, who  was  responsible  for  delivering  the  production  to  England,  in  order  to  ask  them  to advance  their  payment  so  that  they  can  face  the  double  obligation  to  “renew  the  boiler, which is too old and to worn for us to use” and to satisfy the demands of the brandy makers, “who are like the printers, always harassing us and, if we don’t have enough money to give them  a  little  loan,  leave  us  for  others;  since  the  quality  of  their  brandy  is  good,  we  wish  to
continue to buy it from them …”

 The costs for maintenance and wrapping comprised three posts:

  • glasses (45 centilitres bottles)
  • straw
  • cases

After  the  “catastrophe”  which  happened  on  the  way  from  Lausanne  to  Basel,  portion  on which  “the  cases  are  particularly  tossed”,  and  during  which  several  bottles  were  broken, Fabre & Bouet resolved to have bottles made of thicker glass, which led to a severe rise in the prices, since the price of each bottle rose from 3 deniers to 3 sols. The price of the wrapping straw also increased: from the 1770s, when it cost 6 to 8 or 10 sols to fill five cases with a sheaf of forty pounds of rye straw, the price underwent a two thirds rise due to bad crops in 1790, and reached 20 to 24 sols for a sheaf of wheat straw, which barely filled three cases …

The  cases,  which  used  to  contain  50  bottles  each,  piled  up  on  7  to  8  ranks  in  height,  also became  more  and  more  expensive.  The  first  rise  was  announced  in  a  letter  dated  24  July 1790  by  a  carpenter  who  changed  the  price  from  32  to  34  sols  a  case.  The  second  –  and unavoidable – rise was announced during the month of October of this “miserable year 1793”,  and amounted to 2 sols again. Fabre & Bouet note that “… the carpenter has increased the price of the cases after a considerable rise in the price of wood …” Moreover, the wrapping turned  out  to  be  a  nuisance:  two  persons  could  not  carry  out  the  job  together,  as  the workshop owned by Fabre & Bouet was too exiguous.

Particularly depressed by his obviously shrinking turnover, Jean Bouet was led to express bitter thoughts:

 “Our benefit at the very best scarcely allows us to survive. You really mustn’t have any other source of profit to accept to manufacture this article, which barely yields enough money to live on. All that is only good for my old self (…) Still, it is true that it remains quite popular thanks to  your  valuable  contribution,  which  is  quite  useful,  as  you  spare  neither  care  nor  work  to maintain  the  excellent  quality  of  the  Arquebuse  Water  …”

When  the  price  of  the  bottle  of  Arquebuse  Water  rose  from  20  to  21  sols,  the  pharmacist added:
“…  It  has  to  be  written  in  the  great  book  of  destiny  that,  no  matter  how  hard  Jean  Bouet works,  he  will  die  as  he  came  to  the  world  …”

When Mandrot & Co failed to approve of this rise, Fabre & Bouet reacted energetically:

“… If we did not succeed in selling more bottles than 10, 15 or 20 years ago, we would not earn enough money to live on, unless we could raise the price to 24 sols a bottle. Otherwise, we would have to give up. Twenty years ago, we did not sell as many bottles and still, we used to earn enough and we could even share the benefits …”

Bouet however realized that the rise in production costs was as prejudicial to Mandrot & Co. as it was to himself, and he therefore consented to grant them a discount of 2 sols per bottle. The Yverdon firm even obtained a discount of 4 sols a bottle on a shipment of 40 cases (2000 bottles), on which occasion Fabre wrote:
“… We are not making any difficulty (sic) concerning the 4 sols per bottle discount. Although this definitely exceeds our possibilities, we have to yield to the circumstances and hope that we will be more fortunate in the future …”
From the same perspective, Fabre & Bouet did not ask Mandrot & Co. to support the rise in the price of the wrapping material, arguing that they had “other costs to support …”

Once all the taxes had been paid (14 sols tax for the “cent pesant” or “hundred pounds quintal”), one sol a case for the delivery to the market and 3 sols a case for the carriers, it seemed that Fabre & Bouet were only working for the benefit of Mandrot & Co. Still, the pharmacists agreed to pay all these taxes without passing them on to their client because the Yverdon firm represented a vital client which Fabre & Bouet wished to keep at any cost, as this letter dated 1 April 1791 clearly reveals:

“… Italy orders Arquebuse Water every year but, this year, we have not been able to fulfil their order yet, as we have barely had enough for Great-Britain. Holland is getting interested and orders come from everywhere. We would be very pleased to expand our trade and to deliver our  product  throughout  the  world  if  it  were  possible  (…)  You  are  our  major  representatives and we rarely send anything to England (this year only six cases) without your help …”

Half  a  dozen  cases  sent  to  the  London  clients  were  nothing  compared  to  the  products shipped  through  the  Yverdon  channel:

  1790 1791 1792 1793
Dispatch* 4 3 3
Cases 71 67 120
Bottles 3350 3350 6000
(litres) (1597) (1507)  (bale-i adatok szerintlegalább 80 láda) (2700)
Swiss pounds 3550 3550 5600**
+ Shipment costs 252.12 241 438
Total in swiss pounds 3802.12 3591 3591
*: End of march – beginning of april, and then between october and the end of january
**: 400 swiss pounds discount on the 12th april shipment


All the cases, invariably marked D. & F. (Dubois & Sons), were loaded at the market and sentby cart to the first commission agent, Abraham Früh, “rue Franche”, in Basle.

Transit of the Arquebuse Water

Until the autumn of 1792, there was only one way to send the cases of Arquebuse Water: Früh used to check and sign the Lausanne shipments, pay the transport costs until Basle, and send all the goods to Bruxelles-Ostende, addressing them to Frédéric Romberg & Co., through the usual Nancy channel (probably the Louis Antoine company) who, in turn, paid the costs from Basle to Ostende and organized the shipment to London. On 29 december 1790, Früh informed his trustee Mandrot & Co. that, as no boundaries had been established between France and Alsace yet, the goods in transit could pass free of charge, and that it was important to profit from this advantage, as it might not last … 1793 was the year of an incredible chaos on commercial roads: people used to travel whatever way they could, according to the movements on the war front. Although Fabre & Bouet were paid appropriately for their goods, they used to follow the evolution of the situation with particular attention, because they knew that their trade would be stopped the moment Mandrot & Co. failed to find their way towards the Northern Sea. On 26 March 1793, the pharmacist in Lausanne wrote to Yverdon with a certain candour that “… since it appears that the French will soon have to clear all the places in which they used to hamper trade, they (the Arquebuse Water cases) will travel freely on the former roads …” The situation was not as ideal as that … On 23 January 1793, Früh tried to convince Mandrot & Co. to ship the goods through Hamburg, which was safer at that time:

“… If Great-Britain declares war to France, which will probably happen, it is natural that the goods travel from Basle to Calais through Hamburg … It is your task to evaluate the risks you are taking …”

Mandrot & Co. evaluated the risks and finally chose to “play” on several itineraries, without abandoning  the  traditional  road,  which  still  remained  preferable  when  the  circumstances would allow it. The way through Lorraine was cut, and it was impossible for Früh to direct the Ostende shipments through Nancy. He chose Rastadt, where the Johann-Friedrich Müller firm had to evaluate the possibility to send the Arquebuse Water cases by water (according to the navigation possibilities on the river Rhine), or by cart towards Köln. On 30 December 1792, the firm Nicolas de Tongre in Köln shipped about 30 cases of Arquebuse Water on the “Veuve
Evers”,  by  care  of  Hering  &  Maurenbrecker,  through  Rotterdam,  to  reach  London.  Tongre justified their choice by informing Mandrot & Co. that:

“… the road through Brussels and Ostende has been blocked since the Austrian and French armies  covered  all  our  countries.  No  company  dares  to  leave  for  Brabant,  and  all  trading communication  has  been  blocked  between  our  town  and  the  Netherlands.  (…)  The Rotterdam way is quicker at the present time …”

Five days later – 4 January 1793 – a new letter from Köln cancelled that choice:

“… As it is possible to avoid the Austrian army by crossing Brussels, I had the cases removed from the boat and given to the cart driver, for the address of Romberg & Sons in Brussels. He left today …”

Still, the deliveries straight from Rastadt to Köln were unusual; it was more common to make a halt  at  Heinrichd  Akermann’s  in  Mainz  or  at  Preye  &  Jordis’  in  Frankfurt  am  Main.  The  way through  Hamburg,  which  had  been  recommended  by  Früh  in  1793,  was  rapidly  tested  by Mandrot & Co. On 7 March, Van der Smissen & Sons in Altona informed Yverdon that 40 cases of  Arquebuse  Water  were  going  to  be  shipped  on  two  British  vessels  –  the  Thetis,  led  by Captain Capon, and the Argus, led by Captain Norfor – which would have arrived in London “for a few days” on 9 April. During the spring of 1793, shipments could be organized from Basle through the Flanders. Romberg sent 40 cases of Arquebuse Water from Brussels to Ostende. Still, the situation in the Netherlands remained precarious. Impens & Hermann of Louvain, to which the commission agent in Basle occasionally resorted, wrote in a letter dated 16 July:

“… We have all reasons to anticipate serious problems in the harbour of Ostende. The British and the Hanovrians, who were camping in front of Dunkerque, were completely beaten for the second time in eight days. (…) Things don’t look out too well for us …”

Still,  the  status  quo  prevailed,  and  the  Louvain  firm  informed  their  trustee  that  they  were expecting at any time 40 cases of Arquebuse Water shipped from Köln. This shipment must have  been  unusual  for  Impens  &  Hermann,  who  insisted  on  the  fact  that  this  article  was subject to the “excise” (entry tax particular to Great-Britain and the United States) in England, and expressed their surprise that such a highly taxed article should still be sent.

The London Addressees

Whether  they  had  been  shipped  through  Ostende  or,  less  frequently,  via  Hamburg-Altona and Rotterdam, the cases of Arquebuse Water marked D. & F. all landed at Dubois & Sons’, in the city of London, at 7, New Basinghall Street – Moorfields, near the Guildhall. This London firm was Mandrot & Co.’s official agent, since most of the goods exported from Yverdon crossed the Channel to end up in their office. Unlike their commission agents, Dubois & Sons had to face different expenses: they had to pay for the maritime insurance and for the “excise” that is,  the  entry  tax  particular  to  Great-Britain.

  • Insurance
    At the end of the eighteenth century, the custom of contracting insurance in case goods in transit got lost or damaged started to spread. Punctual shipments, or certain fragments of shipments, used to be insured, while the rest was being sent at the recipient’s charge. The reason why people did not systematically resort to this practice was that it was particularly expensive.

If, for common goods, such a the crockery exported to Switzerland, the insurance rate did not  exceed  0,75  %  of  its  declared  value  in  1791,  it  could  reach  8  %  for  clock  and  watch-making material.
The  Arquebuse  Water  followed  the  habitual  pattern:  it  was  not  insured  on  the  way  from Ostende to London, until the roads became insecure: it was then insured for one and a half guinea. The cases shipped through Hamburg were insured for 2,9 % of their declared value (about 3 shillings and 6 deniers or £ 7,5 case, for a usual shipment of 40 cases).

  • The “excise”
    The entry tax on the Arquebuse Water reaching England was extremely expensive. In 1790, Dubois & Sons used to pay 9 shillings a gallon (£ 44,12 for twenty cases), which amounted to 35 % of the goods’ declared value when they arrived in London. The “excise” thus represented between 19,5 and 23 % of the selling price which had to be paid by the retailers.

The  price  of  a  (non  insured)  shipment  of  twenty  cases  reaching  the  docks  of  London  was about £ 125 (£ 6,5 per case). Since the expenses supported by Dubois & Sons amounted to £ 53 to 55 (the 4/5 for the “excise”), the price of a shipment was about £ 180 net (£ 9 per case) at the last stage of the dispatching process.
The expected commission amounted to about 3,8 % of the expenses supported by Dubois & Sons. The rate for exports towards Switzerland was comprised between 2 1/4 and 2 1/2 %, but this very high percentage can be explained by the fact that this quite unusual import article required much work. Dubois & Sons kept some of the cases for themselves and sent the others
to the retailers.
Amick  &  Huguenin,  perfumers  and  owners  of  the  shop  sign  “3  Arquebusade  Bottles”  at  32, Haymarket, with half to two thirds of the bottles which arrived at Dubois & Sons’, had acquired a warrant giving them privilege to mention that they were the official suppliers of the Court. Thus, they were clearly different from the other retailers:

  • Burgess, at 107, Strand
  • Delavaux
  • Dessoulavy Father (Henry) and Son (Jean-Georges), owners of the shop sign “The Canister” (tea house), at 4, Albemarle Street, Picadilly
  • Johnson, at Haymarket
  • Smith & Neveu

Those were the London shopkeepers who usually held the Fabre & Bouet Arquebuse Water at the  beginning  of  the  1790s.  Unlike  the  new  or  occasional  clients,  the  regular  costumers benefited from preferential prices. They used to pay between £ 9 and 10 per case while a person known as Barker, “who was not such a good customer”, had to pay £ 11,1.
It  would  be  interesting  to  know  the  retail  selling  price  of  the  Arquebuse  Water  to  get  an exhaustive point of view on the distribution circuit. Unfortunately, the documents are lacking for  this  last  phase,  which  implied  neither  the  manufacturer,  nor  the  buyer  and  exporter  in Yverdon.
Still, it is possible to compare the price of the Arquebuse Water in the pharmacist’s shop in Lausanne and in a London boutique.

50 bottles,case (1790)
Selling,price in Lausanne Price at the arrival in London brut net Selling price for the retailers Profit made by Mandrot & Co.
Swiss,Pounds,53,12 Equiv. 106,5,6,5 Equiv. 153,9 Equiv. 166,12 195,10 916 10 Equiv. 13,12 17 0,16 1
25,4  à  31,8 %par  rapport au prix  d’achat à  Farbre&Bouet


This figure shows us that, in the most common example of a £ 10 per case sale to the retailer, the cost price was composed of the following elements:

  • About 31,5 to 32 %:         manufacturer’s share
  • 10% :                                  exporter’s share
  • 58% :                                 Total dispatch costs

The initial cost of the Arquebuse Water thus used to be multiplied by about 3.


Apart from the fact that the Arquebuse Water constituted the starring export product of the Canton  of Vaud,  it has to  be noted that  pharmacopoeia  in  general was the  object  of  an interesting trend of exchange. Although the commercial branch represented by the trade of remedies  was  quite  insignificant  compared  to  the  most  important  export  articles  of  the century,  it  lasted  for  quite  a  long  time  and  was  quite  prosperous.

Fabre & Bouet also used Mandrot & Co. to export liverwort (hepatica) to London. It was sent in July and August, as it had to be picked up in humid and warm weather. Liverwort was sold 14  Swiss  pounds  a  pound  to  Mandrot  &  Co.

England exported all kinds of remedies towards Switzerland:

  • “Grana  Angelica”,  or  authentic  “Scottish  pills”,  created  by  Dr.  Patrick  Anderson  of
    Edimburgh, a physician of the James Inglish house who used to attend Charles I. 600 boxes were sent to Yverdon from 1790 to 1792 for £ 30 (without the taxes). This remedy,
    which was known for its efficiency in case of “digestive obstruction”, was – by far – the
    most  popular  in  the  Pays  de  Vaud  and  in  Geneva.  Two  firms  in  Lausanne  (Jean
    Masmejan  and  Pierre  Verney,  goldsmiths),  used  to  buy  these  boxes  by  dozens.
  • Anti  convulsive  “white  drops  of  Dickenson”  which,  according  to  Mrs.  Cerjat  of
    Lausanne,  were  “very  useful  during  the  smallpox  epidemy”  (October  1793).
  • The “Sloughton elixir” of the J. Hargrave firm, which used to be sold 8 shillings a dozen
    boxes  in  1790  in  London.
  • “Cavice pills”, found at Mackay & Sons’ at 176, Picadilly, could also be found as a “kind
    of  elixir”,  paid  £  1  for  40  pounds  (1790):  Mackay  &  Son  were  the  Prince  of  Wales’

This list should be completed with a series of articles which also aimed at improving health and  hygiene:  peppermint,  salts  of  vinegar  and  ammoniac,  essence  of  amber,  deer  horn essence,  tincture  and  toothpicks,  brushes  used  against  rheumatism,  taffeta  cloth  used  to dress wounds, and … a mysterious powder against rabies. The people of that time were quite concerned  with  their  physical  condition.  The  trade  of  remedies  between  England  and  the Pays  de  Vaud  had  all  the  characteristics  of  a  luxury  market:  products  of  unquestionable quality bought at any price! It is obvious that the coming and going of weird mannered, but extravagant  and  fashionable  Lords  between  England  and  the  Pays  de  Vaud  encouraged the  trade  of  remedies  coming  from  and  addressed  to  a  region  which  enjoyed  a  solid therapeutic reputation abroad. The virtues of the thermal waters and the prestigious fame of Dr. Tissot, whose reputation attracted and sometimes kept on the banks of the Geneva Lake a smart clientele which enlivened the Lausanne society, did much for the image of the Pays de  Vaud.  The  “pre  pharmaceutical”  trade  was  thus  an  important  aspect  of  the  privileged relationship  between  England  and  that  Swiss  region.  From  that  point  of  view,  it  is  quite
remarkable that the prohibitive price of the Arquebuse Water, which is due to the blade of the  British  customs,  but  also  to  the  repetitive  perception  of  taxes  at  each  level  by intermediary commission agents, did nothing to hamper the market for the product.

* These products are not intended to prevent, treat, cure, or diagnose any disease. Information on this site is for educational purposes only. It is not medical advice. Consult a physician if you seek medical advice or have a medical problem. These statements have not been evaluated by the FDA or EU competent bodies. When using our products, the individual results may vary. asks you to contact a professional if you have any health problems that persists more than one week share all the information concerning your health and well-being with your doctor, including the use of our supplements and cosmetics. Despite the fact that the herbal extracts helped many people suffering from different skin problems, it is possible that your skin problem will not respond to the active substances of herbal plants, so you will not experience an improvement or only minimal. The experiences described on our website were sent to us by the people suffering from various skin problems, who are now able to leave without symptoms and with healthier skin, thanks to the herbs. We wish you the same and hope that nature’s wonderful herbs can also help you to leave a symptoms free life. Discover the wonderful and inimitable effects of the herbs, their incredible strength, which may also help you to reduce this pervasive skin problem causing much suffering, and let your face regain its beauty as soon as possible!



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Arquebuse Water Team



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